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Klappentext: Zum ersten Mal wird die Herausbildung der Monarchie in Rumänien unter Carol I. anhand eines umfassenden Quellenmaterials untersucht und seine Rolle für die Stabilisierung des politischen Systems analysiert. Mit den ihm eigenen Formen gab Rumänien ein Beispiel ab für die erfolgreiche Übernahme des europäischen Modells einer konstitutionellen Monarchie mit einem fremden Herrscher an der Spitze.

Unique institution through seniority, structure and organization, "Carol I" National Defense University has remarkably stood out, over time, among the military organizations of higher education in Romania, through the scope of its activities of training the officers in theory and practice. The article presents aspects of the constituting elements of the Superior War School (the initial name from 1889), with brief mentions of the years 1919, 1937 and 1939, illustrated with archival documents. The research is based on the documents studied at the National Military Archives, the Service of the Central National Historical Archives, the Library of the Romanian Academy and the Library of the "Carol I" National Defense University.

The Bulletin of "Carol I" National Defense University published by the Publishing House of the University is a quarterly scientific, peer-reviewed journal from Bucharest, Romania.The aim of Bulletin is to disseminate the results of the theoretical and practical research investigations undertaken by reputable professionals in the holistic field of defense resources management.The continuous changes at the level of higher military education in Romania, and especially those produced in the dissemination of information, have affected the means of communication and use at the level of human knowledge. The political, economic and social changes that have taken place over the years have also had a strong influence on how the military specialists, involved in the education process were to be informed. Thus, "Carol I" National Defense University Bulletin represents a forum for debate and analysis for academic and professional backgrounds and it is open to teachers, researchers, doctoral students and postdoctoral students, students, military and civilian personnel, to institutions belonging to the sphere of defense, public order and national security.

Currently, there are more and more discussions about multi-domain operation, as an advanced method of approaching military action, superior to the joint operation, and, last but not least, able to revolutionise the way the Armed Forces respond to the specifics of new threats to the security of states and alliances. As a result, in my opinion, it can be said that if the multi-domain operation continues to develop doctrinally and subsequently in practice, at the operational level, it will greatly influence how the strategic military level will be organised. Moreover, the fact that the multi-domain operation can offer new opportunities to address conflicts leads us to the idea that military strategies, national and allied, as programmatic documents, will be largely influenced by it. Given that, in my view, strategic goals can be met to the extent that operational and tactical capabilities allow it, this article will address issues related to how multi-domain operation can transform military strategy.

The retrograde, puritanical and belligerent ideologies may seem anachronistic, related to the specificity of the 21st century. The need for understanding the reality augmented by the emergence of new forms of manifestation in international relations is materialised by transposing novelty elements into strategic models specific to the current century. A concrete example is the use, within specialised circles, of the concept of "smart power", an intelligent combination of punitive actions with the ability of persuasion. This concept incorporates, in a unitary conception, aimed at identifying the optimal solution to ensure strategic success, the specific elements of soft and hard power. Another aspect of everyday reality is the significant use of cyberspace as a means of facilitating the process of fulfilling the goals in different areas of activity, respectively at different levels of society. In this regard, in this paper, the role of the cyber environment in achieving the specific objectives of implementing the strategic concept of "smart power" will be addressed.

One of the most competitive subareas in Eurasia is the Black Sea Region. For the last century, this region has undergone spectacular upheavals in its geopolitical status, which have resulted in changes in terms of borders, wars and frozen conflicts, land fragmentations, multiplication of regional and extraregional players. Which are the geographical, geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic features that cause the regional geopolitical dynamics? Why is the Black Sea Region still included in the category of fault line areas, a statute that makes it prone to an increased geopolitical competition, instability, insecurity and regional conflict? These are some of the questions that generate a particular interest in this study and which will be answered by going through the information presented below.

In military structures, the leader has always been at the forefront of organising and carrying out specific actions with the aim of increasing the organisation's efficiency and effectiveness. Thus, the military organisation's efficiency and effectiveness are the effects of leaders' ability to react to disturbances, ensuring optimal orientation of those in command, and finding optimal answers to the questions "how" and "what" is to be done so that the best organisational course of action could be achieved. In this article we consider it appropriate to analyse emotional intelligence, how it influences military leadership, how an optimal affective environment influences the military actions, and to answer the question: Do military leaders need emotional intelligence?

The security and safety in fulfilling the roles of the institutions of a state are essential characteristics of any contemporary society. In order to understand the complex of threats and vulnerabilities, as well as the dynamics of their manifestation in generating crisis situations, it is required to take a comprehensive approach to the decision-makers in the societal domains: political/diplomatic, military, economic, social, critical infrastructural, informational and environmental. In this context, the development of the resilience capacity in the contemporary societal environment takes place in the perspective of the contribution of all the decision-making factors based on efficient inter-institutional planning and their proactive participation. Due to the specifics of each societal field, the situation can be understood under different coordinates, which causes difficulties in developing estimates of the crisis situations and initiating measures to prevent and counteract them. One of the solutions identified for the decision-makers to conduct a proactive behaviour in crisis situations specific to the contemporary societal environment can be expressed within the operational art of military action planning. Thus, we deem appropriate to extend the operational art specific to the military field to other societal fields and redefine the resilience capacity in the contemporary societal environment facing the new complex of threats and vulnerabilities as the COVID-19 pandemic situation.

On 14 April 2021, US President Joe Biden announced that, starting on 1 May (2021), US troops will withdraw from Afghanistan, ending 20 years of war on Taliban terrorism. At a first glance, the Americans' decision seems to be a hasty withdrawal from a very costly war of attrition. On closer inspection, however, the events in Afghanistan seem to part of a realpolitik strategy, which seeks to reset the geopolitical game in Eurasia and beyond. So, what could be the potential geopolitical impact of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan? How could the regional game be reset after August 2021? This article, written immediately after the "fall" of Kabul on 15 August 2021, and the return to power of the Taliban in Afghanistan, proposes three scenarios for regional geopolitical dynamics and their global implications.